Without a DFAT script, Airbus Albo bungles the bread 'n' butter

For the second day in a row, Small Business Minister Julie Collins has failed to answer two key questions about how many small businesses will be drawn into proposed wage bargaining and how much it would cost.

For a second day in a row, Collins looked like a wildebeest or antelope crossing a river where Labor knew she was outnumbered by crocodiles and her survival depended on swimming like Johnny Weissmuller…

That’s Dennis Shanahan. Staying with IR, Janet Albrechtsen calls out Labor’s legalised bribery.
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19 Responses to Without a DFAT script, Airbus Albo bungles the bread 'n' butter

  1. C.L. says:

    For the second day in a row, Small Business Minister Julie Collins has failed to answer two key questions about how many small businesses will be drawn into proposed wage bargaining and how much it would cost.

    For a second day in a row, Collins looked like a wildebeest or antelope crossing a river where Labor knew she was outnumbered by crocodiles and her survival depended on swimming like Johnny Weissmuller and casting a hapless shaman into her wake.

    And, for the second day in a row, the parliamentary spotlight fell on the Albanese government’s push to get its contentious industrial relations laws through before Christmas and exposed complexity, uncertainty and dangerous haste involved in the biggest changes since the 1970s.

    It’s so haphazard and rushed that one teal independent, Goldstein MP Zoe Daniel, who voted to pass the changes through the House of Representatives, is having second thoughts and wants even more changes.

    Small business is now the focus of the industrial relations bill.

    On Tuesday, Collins was asked two questions: How much would a small business have to pay to be in multi-party bargaining and how many would be involved?

    She couldn’t answer either after failing on Monday to be able to name just one of the 2.4 million small businesses that supported the industrial relations changes.

    Collins at least had some numbers – 90 per cent of all Australian businesses would be exempt and there were millions of dollars in grants.

    It was an improvement on Monday’s question time but haphazard haste fed the Coalition crocodiles who had the answer to the cost to small businesses of between $14,638 and $75,148 and the Department of Employment’s own (incorrect) reference to basis for the cost being a consultant who claimed to be a “shaman to strategists, psychic to sales reps, healers to home makers and a Buddhist to businessmen”.

    Collins tried to reach the far side of the river by promoting good things for small business as Workplace Relations Minister and Leader of the House Tony Burke tried to distract the Coalition and deflect the public gaze. But the key questions remained unanswered, even as the balance-of-power independents in the Senate demanded more changes and wrung extra Senate sitting days from the government for even more industrial relations debate.

    This is the principal political and parliamentary problem for Labor: each day the industrial relations legislation drags on is one more day of ragged government.

    As Anthony Albanese said on Monday, what happens in parliament matters because “it decides the future of our nation”.

    The future of industrial relations is being decided now.

  2. C.L. says:

    ALP business model a boon for unions, a bust for economy.

    It is perhaps the supreme irony of Australian politics that of our two largest political parties, the one with the best business model, by far, is the Labor Party. The party of labour has perfected a superbly efficient way of turning political power into cash, and vice-versa. Key to the model is that it quite nakedly solicits cash from its key stakeholders and delivers them favourable policy in return.

    Since the Albanese government came to power, its three most reliable donor groups, unions, industry super funds (whose generosity is mainly indirect, via the unions) and the plaintiff law firms, have had policy triumphs raining down on them. This column will have a closer look at the union beneficiaries of this largesse.

    Before doing so, it is worth noting how comprehensively the conservative political parties have been outplayed. Once upon a time, cash for policy could arguably have been said to be a Liberal Party business model. Big business would support the Coalition and get favourable policy in return. Not any more.

    When the Coalition allowed industry super funds to become the most vocal and influential source of ownership of listed companies, it yielded control of political donations by big business to those funds. It is no surprise these funds expect big companies to either donate nothing to conservative political parties or to donate equally to both sides of politics. The control the industry funds have over the board elections of listed companies ensures a tight discipline on that donation policy. The aim and result are clear: to strangle the funding base of the Coalition.

    Even when the ALP threatens drastically punitive action on business such as the current threats of mining taxes and multi-employer bargaining, business responds with single-issue campaigns complaining about those specific issues rather than wider backing for the Coalition.

    Meanwhile, the funding of the ALP has been supercharged. Wealthy industry funds find ways of giving money to unions, which in turn give it to the ALP, which in turn rewards its benefactors with favourable policy. Now that is a business model to conjure with.

    Workplace Relations Minister Tony Burke is delivering on the business model at high speed and with maximum force. His attempt to recentralise Australia’s workplace relations laws by reinstituting multiple-employer bargaining (and thus industry-wide strike powers) and beefed-up arbitration has horrified industry. Yet, the absence of an electoral mandate for this – Jim Chalmers specifically denied industry-wide bargaining was ALP policy when asked on the ABC’s Insiders before the election – is of no concern to a government hellbent on delivering for unions.

    The sharpest, most concerning current case study of Burke delivering for unions is the intractable dispute between tugboat operator Svitzer and three maritime unions, led by the notorious MUA division of the CFMEU.

    For three years, Svitzer has tried to renegotiate the enterprise agreement with unions that expired in 2019. That EA contains legacy provisions first negotiated about 20 years ago, which give unions unconscionable power over hiring and staffing decisions, as well as exceptional work conditions, pay and overtime.

    Svitzer is in a commercial bind. Though it enjoys a monopoly in many ports, the Danish-owned tugboat operator has been losing work to competitors not bound by the same restrictive and inflexible union employment arrangements. That has forced Svitzer to lay off 130 workers. After a three-year guerrilla war of rolling industrial action – 1100 cases of protected industrial action since October 2020 and more than 250 industrial stoppages since October 20, 2022 – Svitzer sought to lock its workers out, thereby precipitating arbitration towards a modern agreement that reflects competitive realities.

    Burke’s reaction was telling. The minister pounced on the politics, asserting his proposed changes would fix this problem, and accused Svitzer of “industrial vandalism”.

    But who are the vandals here?

    Let’s be clear. The MUA’s rolling industrial actions are not about pay or conditions. Svitzer workers are paid from $138,000 a year for mostly unskilled deckhands, about $210,000 for engineers and up to $212,000 for masters – for a 26-week year, and before overtime, leave bonuses, other loadings and superannuation. You don’t have to be a genius to work out that with redundancy payments reaching more than $300,000, some workers might welcome Svitzer being forced to close down some operations and pay workers out.

    This dispute is actually about the brute power of the unions to maintain a closed shop. Under the current EA, unions won’t allow maintenance work on weekends or public holidays. Unions decide who is called in to work when someone is sick. Union delegates sit in on interviews when new workers are recruited. Unions dictate a worker can be paid up to four days of pay if called in for four hours. And on it goes. Put simply, if the rules that apply on Svitzer tugboats were imposed on workplaces across the country, we would be an economic basket case.

    Meanwhile, after the FWC went to water, Svitzer is back to where it started, continuing to face off against the militant MUA, and other unions that control ports. The FWC decision last week to simply suspend the lockout for six months does no more than guarantee a bit of peace in the lead-up to Christmas while Burke spruiks new IR laws he wants passed by the end of the year.

    Then, next year, Svitzer will be back where it started, dealing with the militant MUA, facing more industrial action unless the company surrenders to the union’s shakedown tactics.

    Far from condemning this kind of industrial blackmail, Burke is reduced to Orwellian doublespeak in calling Svitzer the vandals. Such is the power of the ALP business model – one that is marvellously effective for unions and for Labor coffers, but rotten for the rest of the country.

  3. Dr Faustus says:

    Even when the ALP threatens drastically punitive action on business such as the current threats of mining taxes and multi-employer bargaining, business responds with single-issue campaigns complaining about those specific issues rather than wider backing for the Coalition.

    There’s a message in there, somewhere.

  4. Not Trampis says:

    shanahan and albrectsen. wow two of the best people who are usually wrong.
    right up there on the intellectual stakes as well.

    Strange how employers comp[-lain about a labour shortage yet complains about paying higher wages.

  5. Boambee John says:

    Non Mentis

    Instead of incessantly babbling leftard talking points, how about you provide some actual data to back up your unsupported assertions about coal and ruinable electricity generation.

    Or don’t you actually have any such data?

  6. NFA says:

    Covid lockdowns didn’t kill off enough small business so Labor need to up the ante to satisfy their paymasters.

  7. Lee says:

    Labor couldn’t run a chook raffle.

  8. C.L. says:

    The pattern emerging is that Albo is a bimbo who excels at reading briefing notes and being photographed at summits but having no idea what he’s doing when it comes to domestic governance. It needs to be pointed out again that no prime minister has ever had a more undistinguished ministerial résumé than this bloke. Complete goose.

  9. Lee says:

    The pattern emerging is that Albo is a bimbo who excels at reading briefing notes and being photographed at summits but having no idea what he’s doing when it comes to domestic governance.

    And he falls back on the old race card when defending gifting hundreds of millions (billions?) of Aussie taxpayer dollars to third world countries (I wonder in whose pockets much of that money will wind up?) for an imaginary problem, while not delivering repeatedly promised energy price cuts before the last election.

  10. C.L. says:

    Let’s check on the Small Business Minister’s experience in small business:

    Prior to entering parliament, Collins worked in various administrative positions for Tasmanian Labor MPs and state government departments. She worked for the state health department (1990–1993), state opposition leader Michael Field (1993–1994), Senator John Coates (1995–1996), Senator Sue Mackay (1996–1998), Hydro Tasmania (1998), state premier Jim Bacon (1998–2003), the state Department of Tourism, Parks, Heritage and the Arts (2003–2005), and Senator Carol Brown (2005–2006).

    Collins was state president of Young Labor in 1996 and a delegate to state and national conference. She served as state secretary of the ALP from 2006 to 2007.

  11. Christine says:

    It’s not surprising Albanese is bungling.

    I like the “Airbus Albo”
    Unfortunately, the trend for matey, short forms of surnames gives an impression of nice fellas; politicians must welcome this from the media; it quickly spreads.
    I was told over and over to prepare for a Shorten win. No. Morrison had the tag “Scomo”, and I expected him to win.

  12. Cassie of Sydney says:

    “When the Coalition allowed industry super funds to become the most vocal and influential source of ownership of listed companies, it yielded control of political donations by big business to those funds. It is no surprise these funds expect big companies to either donate nothing to conservative political parties or to donate equally to both sides of politics. The control the industry funds have over the board elections of listed companies ensures a tight discipline on that donation policy. The aim and result are clear: to strangle the funding base of the Coalition.”

    Ahhhhh, the never ending own goals of the stupid effing Liberals and Nationals…..

    1. Failure to deal with the activism by industry superannuation funds.
    2. Failure to rein in “their ABC”.
    3. Failure to fight the climate cult.
    4. Failure to implement a Religious Freedom Bill.
    5. Failure to fight for anything.

    and so many more.

    But let me tell you what the Coalition was good at…

    1. Dumping on people, just ask George Pell, Christian Porter, Andrew Laming, Alan Tudge, Craig Kelly, George Christensen and a certain man accused of rape. Andrew Laming, who received no support from Scumbag Morrison, has had significant legal wins because so many defamed him, but the cost? His political career terminated.

    2. Destroying the Liberal brand, probably for good.

    I don’t know about others, but when I now see Barbabus Beetroot Juice and Davey “nothing to be proud of” Littleproud on television, wailing about the Labor government’s climate policies, I want to reach for a bucket and vomit.

  13. Cassie of Sydney says:

    Notice how Labor doesn’t waste any time when in government instituting its policies and agendas, even stuff they conveniently didn’t mention during the campaign? Contrast this to the always timid Coalition when in government. The Liberals and Nationals tippy-toe around, too scared to rock any boats. It took them almost three years to introduce the Religious Freedom bill, only to see it defeated thanks to those now defeated and very unlamented wets….Karma Sharma, Trent Zimmerboy, Katie (I love Obama) Allan, Fiona Martin and Bridget Archer (sadly, she’s still there).

    Remind me why I should ever vote Liberal again?

  14. C.L. says:

    Thank you, Cassie, for that exceptionally accurate description of these hopeless duds.

    Thank you to Mark on another thread for a good example of what you’re talking about:

    Peter Dutton says the Coalition is undecided about the voice to parliament ahead of the final sitting fortnight of the year and that his focus is on achieving a royal commission into the abuse of Indigenous children in the Northern Territory.

    Undecided.
    About the Constitution.

  15. twostix says:

    Working in the professional corporate world the liberal party and the people it places in parliament are the perfect representation of the party ‘base’. The australian white collar liberal voting gen-x / y/ z middle man is a gutless, chinless, pussy whipped wimp. The australian white collar middle woman is a compromised corporate drone who only sees her toddlers on weekends.

    And that’s the “right wing” types that go to chuch.

    Won’t even stand up for their own children. Start there.

  16. twostix says:

    One of the first ice-breaking questions at a Mandatory Fun corporate events that people ask to people having babies now, is when are they (aka mum) going back to work. I.e “when are you putting your little baby into long term daycare so you can go back to reading news.com.au in one screen and typing into google docs in the other”.

    “Oh we’re going for a whole year I think, we really want baby have the maximum time at home with mum” is an example of an extremist reply.

  17. C.L. says:

    Oh we’re going for a whole year I think.

    Literally worse than the Third Reich’s Ehrenkreuz der Deutschen Mutter!

    Which was actually a more admirable decoration than anything doled out on Australia Day, just quietly.

  18. NFA says:

    LOL C.L.

    Now you’ll go from ‘promoting’ PTP to LH (literally hitler).

    Hey @real Trampis, @yank… come in spinners!

  19. Ed Case says:

    Peter Dutton says the Coalition is undecided about the voice to parliament ahead of the final sitting fortnight of the year and that his focus is on achieving a royal commission into the abuse of Indigenous children in the Northern Territory.

    That’s smart thinking.
    By the time The Voice push starts sucking oxygen, Dutton will have prosecuted the case for the Royal Commission, then voters can wonder why Labor is fixated on The Voice, but totally uninterested about the Royal Commission.

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